In this election, the data indicates that the evangelical vote for Lula has grown more among women than among men. What can be the causes of this phenomenon? Evangelical women suffered most deeply from the impact of the religious right. In evangelical churches, this impact meant a strengthening of the male ancestry in leadership, but also in families where changes had occurred in a slightly more egalitarian sense. Various studies show that fifteen or twenty years ago the conversion to Pentecostalism improved the lives of women and also the relationship between them and their husbands due to the demands for self-containment of traditional masculine behaviors (the lack of commitment to raising children, the not sharing domestic activities, abandonment of families, gender violence, impact of alcoholism on family provision.
Therefore, the growth of Pentecostalism in Brazil introduced at least a relative change in that sense. With the victory of this ultra-conservative tendency already in 2015/2016, connected south africa phone number list with the reaction to the legacy of Lulismo, the situation of evangelical women worsened. In a context like this, in which they feel the impact of the growth of domestic violence and the openly macho discourses of the Bolsonaro government on their skin, it is not surprising that many of them opt for an alternative to this situation. Because even though traditional family values may prevail, they are the ones who strongly feel the impact of these situations. I think this may be a reasonable explanation, but already in previous experiences the evangelical female vote was more in favor of Lula than the male one.
Perhaps we can say, in this sense, that Bolsonarismo did not achieve as much success among evangelical women as it had hoped. It is a really sensitive subject and we deal with hypotheses, because there are no conclusive works in relation to this subject, but we can certainly begin to infer some of these situations. How does the question of class intersect with this religious vote? What overlaps exist today? If we think that, for example, in all the states of the northeast of Brazil, Lula has more or less 65% of the vote –and can reach more–, we quickly infer that there is a kind of intersectionality between religion, socioeconomic position, gender and social position. ethnic-racial.